Long-time public servant, topnotch lawyer, veteran legislator and Edsa People Power 1 hero Juan Ponce Enrile has been the center of public attention since he was catapulted to the Senate presidency as an offshoot of a leadership coup in mid-November.

In the past, it became commonplace to see a Senate president who bagged his post via a coup later being ousted through similar unceremonious means. This happened to Neptali Gonzales, Edgardo Angara, Ernesto Maceda, Franklin Drilon and Aquilino Pimentel Jr. Will Enrile suffer a similar fate?

How long a sitting Senate president can stay in his post depends to a great extent on how he performs his job. If he lives up to the expectations of a wise and capable leader, then he is safe in his position. A good Senate president is one who knows how to deal with Malacañang and succeeds in spearheading the passage of legislation in support of its programs without compromising the independence of the Senate. He should be adept in getting the cooperation of his colleagues, preserving order and harmony in the chamber’s proceedings and checking unruly or unparliamentary behavior without being arbitrary and unfair.

Although Enrile took over the helm of the Upper Chamber as a consequence of a coup, he was not one of its instigators. In fact, by his own admission, he even advised his predecessor, Manuel Villar, to watch his back and do something about his strained relations with some disgruntled senators when he sensed that they were plotting a power grab.

Enrile did not covet the third-highest government post; it was handed to him on a silver platter by those who wanted to change the Senate leadership. And that is a unique and important element of his Senate presidency that provides it with a natural anchor of stability.

According to members of the core group behind the coup, the 84-year-old Enrile was a pragmatic choice because he was perceived to be no longer harboring a presidential ambition and therefore would not be expected to take advantage of the position for a selfish agenda.

The main objection raised by the members of the new minority to the choice of Enrile was that while the coup was instigated by a core group of opposition senators (Panfilo Lacson, Jamby Madrigal, Loren Legarda and Mar Roxas), the Senate presidency was taken out from an oppositionist (Villar) and passed on to an administration man (Enrile).

But while it may be true that Enrile is an ally of President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, he can hardly be considered a Malacañang stooge. To the Palace’s discomfiture, Enrile fully supported the Blue Ribbon committee’s efforts to get to the bottom of the multimillion-peso fertilizer fund scandal which has embarrassed the administration no end.

Enrile, too, vigorously opposed the move of administration congressmen to railroad the passage of the joint resolution to amend the Constitution before 2010, which is supposedly part of a Malacañang script to lift the term limits on elective officials, including the presidency. However, he swore that in his meetings with Mrs. Arroyo, never did she say or even whisper to him any agenda to push Charter change.

What is widely overlooked is the fact that Enrile was a long-time pillar of the opposition before he allied himself with President Arroyo in 2003. He was re-elected senator under the banner of the Puwersa ng Masang Pilipino, which was founded by former President Joseph Estrada. When Estrada was thrown out of power and detained on plunder charges, Enrile served as president of this opposition party. Later, he stepped down as PMP chairman but he has stayed on as a member of this party up to now.

Enrile’s stewardship of the Senate will be put to an acid test as the committee on ethics and privileges starts its probe on the conflict-of-interest case against Villar arising from the C-5 road extension scandal. The minority bloc seems lukewarm to the inquiry as it has not bothered to designate its representatives to the ethics committee, chaired by Senator Panfilo Lacson.

Some political quarters warn that the probe on the ousted Senate president may backfire because there is also a conflict of interest question hanging over Enrile’s head. Enrile was at the receiving end of criticisms over his role in the alleged illegal importation of used cars through the Port Irene within the Cagayan Special Economic Zone—located in his political bailiwick in the North.

Villar, by the way, made himself scarce at the Senate following his ouster. He was oftentimes absent at the session hall when the 2009 national budget was undergoing deliberations. At one time, Enrile was asked about this and he jestingly remarked that Villar must be busy campaigning for the presidential race in the provinces.

Villar may not be lying by publicly saying that he bore no ill feeling towards his colleagues who had stabbed him in the back. But his behavior betrayed his low spirits over the unfortunate turn of events.

Villar’s actuations, though, are perfectly understandable for somebody adjusting to the situation he now finds himself in. I recall that after the revered statesman, Jovito Salonga, was kicked out as Senate president on Dec. 11, 1991, he lost his verve and his appetite for taking part in the proceedings of the chamber. He was a picture of a broken-hearted fellow.

Similarly, Villar looks like a different man.